I am a Malaysian who was born in Jaffna and although I identify unequivocally as a Malaysian, I recognize the Tamil struggle for justice and self-determination in their ancestral lands in the north and the east of the Island of Sri Lanka. After decades of non-violent struggle for justice was met with intransigence by the Sinhalese hegemons of the Sri Lankan state, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) emerged to wage an armed struggle for an independent Tamil state. Through a brutal conflict that ensued, the LTTE succeeded in setting up a defacto Tamil state. I have observed this violent Elam struggle which has involved terror and counterterror, from afar. I have felt its pain vicariously, through my mother’s responses to the experiences of her family. The LTTE reign ended in 2009 when their organization was completely destroyed by the Sri Lankan Army (SLA). In the crushing final battle of this War, it is estimated that between 20,000 and 100,000 Tamil civilians were massacred with impunity by the Sri Lankan Army. As I have followed the ongoing Israeli massacre of Palestinians in Gaza, I have been reminded of the genocide of the Tamil people by the Sri Lankan state.
Mahathir Mohamed, unquestionably Malaysia’s most successful politician and impactful leader, is still in the game at the ripe old age of 98. He is a strident anti-imperialist and an unapologetic ethnocentric nationalist who, in his heyday, was loved by Malaysians of all races. In fact, he is lauded in the Arab world and all across Asia for his outspokenness and statesmanship in championing regional causes. Equally, he has been despised and derided by all Malaysian communities, Malays included. He is not well-liked in the West and is even seen as an exemplary antisemite.
In a recent engaging and wide-ranging interview on episode 65 the Keluar Sekejap podcast, Mahathir showed that he has lost neither charm and charisma, nor his wile and guile. I learnt many things about the man in watching this episode attentively, but the most salient insight was into his political means. Mahathir is a man of many generalizations, essentialisms and simplifications. Key giveaways about his underlying approach are found in these ideas exposed in the interview- 1) Successful Malays are the exception proves the rule (12:22) 2) We have to characterize the Jews, not by the just minority, but in terms of the majority, who unquestioningly support Israel (1:58:36).
Indeed, his is a heuristic approach – a method of reasoning, problem-solving, and decision-making based on approximation. As evidenced by his career highlights and pitfalls, it is a method that can be efficient and effective, but that can also be prone to error, bias, and failure. Here is a list of what I suggest are Mahathir’s primary heuristics, each of which is presented along with some associated secondary generalizations – 1. Malays are Lazy (Non-Malays are industrious) 2. Non-Malays are Immigrants (Non-Malays don’t want to Assimilate, There is a communal zero-sum game, and The Malays are in danger of losing primacy on their Tanah Melayu) 3 The West is Imperialist (Malaysia should look East, China is not necessarily a threat) 4. Jews Rule the World (Jews are Zionists, ) 5. Mahathir is always right (Anwar is unsuitable, Najib is unconscionable, Badawi is incapable, Mahathir does no wrong)
The first propitiation of this performance (see notes) was to the spirits of the earth (jintanah, also called hantu tanah, hulubalang or jambalang tanah), specifically the land (bumi) where the performance takes place. Soil from the ground below was gathered and placed in a woven basket and brought up to the roof of the Kapallorek Artspace, where the performance took place. A lighted candle was placed in this basket of soil while the following was uttered,
Aku minta’ ampun kapada kramat yang memegang tanah disini! I beg forgiveness from the sacred spirits that hold this land!
This appeasement of spirits was performed wholeheartedly (dengan bersungguh sungguh) as magic (in terms of its metaphysical or spirtiual dimension), but not without an awareness some socio-political implications. The propitiation sets up a hierarchy of asspciation with the land – first there are the spirits (kramat) of the land, then the people who recognize and propitiate these spirits, and only then the others. In other words, first kramat yang memegang tanah disini!, then the orang Pribumi yang mengakui keunggulan Kramat tanah, and only after, the non-indegenous (orang barudatang or pendatang) who do not know (mengenali) the kramat .
An interesting implication of this model of primacy is that, as the Malays lose their connection with the Semangat of their land in the course of modernization (due to both Islamic modernism and secular modernity), they too get alienated from the land and lose their place in the hierarchy. Conversely, the pendatang who becomes attuned to this Semangat might, arguably, rise up. I belioeve that this aspect of the performance discretely problematizes the notion of the bumiputera that informs the Malaysian social contract.
Mariam Mokhtar makes a scathing criticism of Anwar Ibrahim’s Madani agenda. While I completely agree with her in terms of the ideals of the liberal democratic nation-state, I must point out that the liberal secular state is not the only legitimate outcome of the democratic process. Generally, a liberal democracy will exhibit the following characteristics – governance based on a constitution, universal suffrage, regular elections, multiple political parties, the separation of powers, the rule of law, the freedom of information, and the equal protection of human rights for all members of the nation. There is a further expectation of a liberal democracy to exhibit these additional traits, it should be a market economy, enshrine private property and practice secularism. While I believe that Malaysia must remain a democracy, and while I personally would prefer that we tend towards the ‘liberal’ form of governance, there are many variations of democracy in the world. These forms tend towards diverse poles including collectivism, ethnocentricity, and theocracy. We might wish for a more liberal democracy, but we must, nevertheless, acknowledge that even a less liberal democracy can still fulfill the essential requirements of that form of governance. Indeed, I believe that demographic trends and the consequential machinations of opportunistic party politics will likely conspire to take Malaysia towards more exotic forms of government in the future. However, in the meantime, Anwar should heed Mariam’s list of criticisms –
1. Non-Malays fear the Green Wave, so they will fully support Anwar Ibrahim but he has not bothered to hide his Islamic credentials.
2. Anwar claims he is a reformer but there have been no reforms, especially in the areas of the cost-of-living crisis and religious extremism.
3. Anwar will have been a disappointment if he delays reforms.
4. The Hadith Module will impinge on non-Muslim students and even Muslims will loose out in terms of time for science, technology an IT.
5. Anwar himself has said he would focus on needs-based rather than race-based quotas for University entrance and so he should be more respectful of those who raise questions on this matter.
6. The Malay population is badly divided in terms of access to the purported Malay privilege, particularly in the area of education.
7. Madani, Hadhari and all other forms of political Islam, particularly the more extreme versions of PAS and Perikatan Nasional are empty slogans that confuse the people and fail to further a true Islam.
8.Contrary to his purported liberal and multicultural agenda, Anwar has given more money to JAKIM and wants them to be involved in policy.
9. Anwar’s bid to harmonize sharia and civil law is troubling as constitutionally, Sharia law only relates to “family matters” for Muslims.
10 Freedom of speech is being restricted blatantly, as when the Minister of Communications issued a threat that the police would knock on our doors if we criticized the administration.
11. When a bumiputera company fails, taxpayers should not have to bail them out.
12. Anwar has been slow to criticize PAS for their outrageous claim that Muslims must vote for PAS, or else they will go to hell.
Taniah kepada Yang Amat Berhormat Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim sempena pertama kali menyambut Hari Merdeka sebagai Perdana Menteri Malaysia selepas perjuangan selama 25 tahun. Selamat menyambut 66 tahun Merdeka – 31hb Ogos 2023.
In December 2019, I did a Koboi Performance for Percha Art Space in Lumut, in which I raised a new SUPERSTAR banner depicting a giant hoarding of Anwar Ibrahim. I performed a cleansing ritual on the Lumut waterfront and left for Vancouver soon after. I will return to Malaysia in August this year (2023).
Since my performance, and after a long struggle, Anwar Ibrahim has become the 10th Prime Minister of the nation and holds on to this seat by the skin of his teeth. Anwar incredible return to power, after a quarter-century perjuangan, is an exemplary Hero’s journey – a striking display determination, endurance and a sense of destiny. To mark my own much less momentous return, I am working towards another Koboi Performance the details of which will be announced shortly.
Anwar Ibrahim clears his first test as PM as a self imposed vote of confidence on his government passes. This, despite insinuations by Hamzah Zainuddin, the leader of the PN opposition of homosexuality by way of mentioning a scurrilous headline in the Italian Nova News.
The image is from the Dari Pusat Tasek installation and performance at Percha Artspace, Lumut Perak Malaysia, which ran from December 2019 -January 2020. The photographs of this event, constitute a work tentatively Panji Pauh Ulung which ispart of the Koboi Project. My essay contextualizing this work, The Koboi Project: diasporic Artist… diasporic Art, is included in Interlaced Journey: Diaspora and the Contemporary in Southeast Asian Art edited by Patrick D. Flores & Loredana Pazzini-Paracciani.
Dapatocracy: A form of government wherein politicians are out for what they can get (dapat) for themselves. It is notable that the parties in the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, including the Democratic Action Party (DAP), have unconditionally backed their Prime Ministerial candidate, Anwar Ibrahim, in forming his Unity Government post GE15. When the cabinet line-up was announced, DAP only got 4 out of 28 positions. This is a sacrifice from the perspective of a party which won the largest quotient of Anwar’s 148 seat majority. They won a whopping 40 seats and, as such, can be said to be making a noble sacrifice. Indeed, it can be said that the DAP is not part of the Malaysian DAPatocracy. But what will become of this traditionally Chinese dominated multiethnic party, given the likely reactions of its base to the equally likely machinations of PH’s new fellows (UMNO, GPS, GRS) remains to be seen.
18. Autocracy: A form of government wherein a single person has unlimited power, usually but not necessarily a form of despotism. Malaysians might associate the term with the long reign of Mahathir Mohamad as Prime Minister, although his rule was effected under the auspices of Democracy..
Update 17. 12.2022: Some quarters are now suggesting that Anwar Ibrahim’s Memorandum of Agreement (MOA)signed with his Unity Government supporters on the eve of the vote of confidence on his new government, is a prelude to a new Malaysian Autocracy! The MOA allegedly contains a condition that misconstrues Article 49A of the Federal constitution as it refers to it as the basis for a clause that requires government MPs to vacate their seat if they vote against the prime minister. On the other hand one cannot but sympathize with the new PM in his desperate need to restrain Malaysian parliaments inherently amphibious condition – its tendency towards Katakcracy!
The Koboi Project 
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